Intensive international cooperation is a key prerequisite for successful and ambitious global climate action. Russia, one of the world’s top 5 greenhouse gas emitters and the second largest producer of crude oil and natural gas, has long been regarded as one of the major veto players in international climate politics. Nevertheless, during the last decade climate awareness among Russian policymakers and other relevant stakeholders has increased dramatically. This is illustrated by the fact that the updated Strategy of National Security of the Russian Federation refers to climate change as a threat to national and public security. The Paris Agreement gave the Russian climate policy a strong new impetus.
At present, Russia’s climate action is guided primarily by the government’s action plan on mitigation, which was issued in 2014. According to the plan, first priority areas include the establishment of an MRV system at the corporate level, the assessment of emissions reduction potentials as well as the choice of the most suitable mitigation instruments. Although the current objective to reduce greenhouse gases by at least 25% below 1990 levels by 2020 and by 25-30% by 2030 is considered to be fairly moderate in terms of ambition, important decisions regarding emissions management have intentionally been delayed until the period after 2017, when the MRV system is to be completed. Over the course of the next two years, Russia will develop the economic model for managing emissions and modify the relevant legislation.
Although these high-level political signals are encouraging, national climate policies are largely formed as a result of bottom-up processes. This occurs at multiple levels, involving a wide range of stakeholders, such as business actors, academia, civil society and subnational authorities. In Russia, think tanks, businesses and federal subjects are taking their first steps in bringing the economy onto a low-carbon development path. In particular, in 2015, the Climate Partnership of Russia was launched comprising 11 large enterprises favouring green development, increased carbon transparency and the introduction of market-based instruments that would stimulate technology modernisation.
Along with the business community, several pioneer regions and municipalities are developing climate-friendly strategies and adopting concrete measures. For instance, projects on sustainable transport have been realised in the Republic of Tatarstan and Kaliningrad, several federal subjects have adopted climate change mitigation and sustainable development strategies and action plans; Saint Petersburg prepared the first regional adaptation strategy. Sustainable forest management is being promoted in Altai Krai, whereas other federal subjects are enhancing the use of renewable energy (e.g. solar plants in Belgorod Oblast, Republic of Bashkortostan, Sakha Republic).
Notwithstanding the progress made, there is still an urgent need for strengthening the Russian climate change agenda. Thus far, Russia has not adopted a national strategy of low-carbon development. Private actors and subnational entities lack comprehensive understanding of what measures are most feasible and beneficial to follow a low-emission path. Limited institutional, technological and legal capacities are only some of the problems faced by the actors, together with insufficient experience in introducing climate-friendly policy instruments. Many of the problems mentioned can be solved by means of intensifying bilateral and multilateral cooperation in climate diplomacy. Here are some important aspects for Russia’s international partners to consider:
There has never been a more suitable and strategically important moment to cooperate with Russia on climate change and low-carbon development. What can be observed now is a reverse tendency towards freezing international ties with Russia. Cutting cooperation, especially in the areas of investment and technology, can, however, result in the loss of all the progress made so far. Intensive international collaboration can, on the contrary, reinforce the decarbonisation of the Russian economy. Taking into consideration the aspects mentioned above will ensure that cooperation is fruitful and strategically focused.
Climate Diplomacy Week is a perfect opportunity to highlight positive climate action, set new goals and engage more and new actors in the fight against the devastating impacts of climate change. Each year, the week has its own character. Climate Diplomacy Week 2018, from 24-30 September, was marked by action – throughout the world, civil society participated in inspiring educational activities and engaged the wider public in the climate cause.
In a move that underscored Donald Trump’s isolation on trade and climate change, the two major economies inserted a reference to the Paris Agreement into Ceta.
Fourteen Latin American and Caribbean countries made history at the UN General Assembly on September 27 by signing the Escazú Agreement, a regional accord on public participation and access to information and justice in environmental affairs. It is the first region-wide agreement of its kind and has been touted a big step forward in recognising the rights of environmental defenders. Signatories now need to ratify the Agreement internally before it can enter into force.
Though India is now pushing for BIMSTEC, geography dictates that it cannot ignore SAARC. South Asia is extremely vulnerable to a range of climate impacts, ranging from shrinking glaciers and water scarcity to floods and rising sea levels. Responding to these risks is a complex task, also because often impacts affect more than one country and their severity exceeds the capacity of national governments. Climate change creates new challenges for regional organisations, and simultaneously increases their relevance.